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Limited time offer. Offer valid only while supplies last. Tras once meses de pesadilla,. Have questions about this item, or would like to inquire about a custom or bulk order? If you have any questions about this product by Nora Roberts, contact us by completing and submitting the form below. If you are looking for a specif part number, please include it with your message. Translate This Website. International Translation Network. Tras once meses de pesadilla, Eli Landon queda absuelto del asesinato de su esposa por falta de pruebas. Incapaz de volver a enfrentarse al mundo, decide refugiarse en la casa de la playa de su querida abuela Hester mientras ella se recupera en una residencia de un desafortunado accidente.

Finally, Sigo Siendo is a film that resembles the Humalista side of Peru Humala the candidate and not Humala the president, if it really needs to be said. The film gives voice to that nation that needs subtitles in order to be understood, a film that, in the end, aims to redeem the forgotten country with the respect of a missionary who has traded in the sacred writings for a camera; it is a film about things forgotten. The three films remind us of the strange moment that contemporary Peru finds itself in. But, more than that, these films help us to see those segments of Peruvian society that are blind to what is going on around them and, on the other side, to see that they are less segmented and isolated than they think, that the bridges and roads that connect them are much greater than they imagine.

At the same time, in a period of accelerated changes, cinema serves as the conscience of those changes. It is also useful for observing that which, in the midst of the confusion, we are incapable of noticing that which endures in silence. Finally, these films and the very different reactions they received from the public have transformed into an index of the distances and tensions that Peruvians live with every day. What do Peruvians want to see and what would they rather ignore?

These three films are a reflection of these intimate desires, at least of the urban desires. For better or for worse, the big screen suggests we Peruvians want to be unaware of our anomie and our forgetfulness. We prefer, rather, to confirm our progress with a smile and hope for prosperity… and a girl from Miraflores.

He works on political regimes in Andean countries. The year was My wife Barbara and I had just arrived in Lima, with the intention of working there for two or three years. Peru was just recovering from staggering blows, both economic and political. On the political side, the country had been battered by two guerrilla insurgencies that amounted to civil war. The war against the more dangerous of the two groups, Sendero Luminoso, is largely remembered as a war in the Sierra, but Sendero was also tightening the noose on Lima.

Amor Verdadero

Quite suddenly, the war ended. When we arrived in Lima just 10 months after this last event, Peru was peaceful once again, but it was battered. Incomes were low, jobs were scarce. Those teachers who remained did so only in the hope of future pensions. To put food on the table, they had to work at second or third jobs.

We talked to many of them as they drove taxis. Now none was good. Furthermore, the prospects for educational improvement seemed very limited.

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Moreover, this was not just a gringa view. The other three members of her planning group—all Peruvians—saw it the same way. Our dinnertime discussions at times became very dispiriting. We had known—and loved—Peru for thirty years. In that time— to —data showed that income per capita had not increased one iota. And the educational system had no doubt deteriorated with little prospect for recovery. Had nothing improved in Peru in the time we had known it? I could answer this grim question with just two positives. First, health conditions had improved.

I was vaguely aware of data showing that life expectancy had increased substantially. Second, we were both witness to the extraordinary improvements in elite-level university education. These two points were, however, little more than footnotes to the general thesis that Peru had passed through thirty turbulent years without much to show for it. A few years later, I started work on a project estimating quantitative measures of progress, or the lack of it, for Peru and other countries of Latin America, for the full course of the 20th century.

But even numbers cannot provide a clear answer, since we will find a half-full glass. So what do the figures show for Peru in the 20th century? The table on p. Clearly the 20th century was not without substantial progress in all three dimensions. But how good was this progress compared to that of other Latin American countries?

And was it good enough for Peru to catch up, even partially, with a developed country such as the United States? Among these three sectors, health gives us the most reliable measure for assessing progress. Life expectancy directly measures the length of life, but it also serves as a proxy for health status during life, because various studies have shown that people who live longer are healthier while alive. It was two years lower in 37 years to the Latin American median of 39 years and also two years lower in 69 years to 71 years. In the Latin American median life expectancy was only 29 years.

It is hard to imagine today how primitive health conditions must have been in to produce such a low life expectancy. The figure is some 15 years lower than that of the poorest African country today Sierra Leone at 45 years. It is also some 20 years less than the comparable figure for the United States, which was 48 years in From this squalid beginning, however, Peru passed through a revolution in health conditions during the 20th century, as did all of Latin America.

Progress was most rapid in the decades near mid-century, and came more from improvements in public health conditions than from delivery of better medical services. By , Peru was only four years behind the United States Three Latin American countries had exceeded the life expectancy of the United States in Chile, Cuba and Costa Rica, all at 79 years , and 31 other countries had life expectancies in excess of 80 years, the leader being Japan at 83 years.

This is of course not the same thing, but we maintain some hope that the measure we want and the measure we have move together over time, so that percentage changes would be similar. It was a very high-growth country during the first three decades of the century 3. That is, it was getting poorer. Among other Latin American countries, only Venezuela fared so badly over this recent period. Thus the gloom at the dinner table in Yes, the Peruvian economy grew substantially over the 20th century, but the growth was so erratic that it was possible to pick out a span of thirty years—as from to —where there had been no growth at all.

Beginning in , Peru entered a period of extraordinary economic growth that has not yet ended. Annual per capita growth picked up to 2 percent, then 3, then 5, then 6 percent, and topped out at 8. For a while, Peru was the third-fastest-growing country in the world, after China and India.

The annual average for the first decade of the new century was 4. A growth rate like this can of course close the gap with the United States or any other rich country. But it needs to be sustained for a couple of decades more to make a real difference. This is up from the low point of 13 percent registered in and again in , but still below the 27 percent figure of We have two indicators for educational progress, both obtained from self-reporting in censuses. Both have particular strengths and weaknesses. Its most obvious liability is its incompleteness as a view of education.

Literacy is only the first rung on the educational ladder. The other measure of educational attainment is average years of schooling for the adult population, generally for ages 25 and over. Its strength is that it reflects education at all levels, not just the first few years that produce literacy. Its weaknesses are two. First, it makes no allowance for differences in the quality of education in different school systems. Second, it was introduced into census questionnaires only around mid-century.

The first half of the 20th century is a blank. Regarding literacy, Latin America began the 20th century with a largely illiterate population and ended it with a largely literate population. In numbers, the illiteracy rate declined from The corresponding figures for Peru were Thus Peru was slightly worse than the Latin American average in , slightly better in Adults are seldom able to become literate if they have missed the chance to go to school as children.

The century-long decline in the illiteracy rate is therefore a reflection of expanded access to primary education, in the more developed countries like Argentina and Uruguay at the beginning of the century, then in most other countries of the region, Peru included, around mid-century.

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The literacy gap with the United States certainly closed during the century, but this gap is rather artificial, because the educational standard being measured is so basic. No country can exceed the maximum of percent, and many, the United States included, essentially reached that ceiling a long time ago. Even as the gap has closed, self-reported literacy data have seemed less and less relevant to the educational demands of modern economic life.

Regarding years of schooling, although Peruvian data are lacking for the first half of the century, we can make an educated guess about simply because so high a percentage of the population had had no schooling at all. The average years figure must therefore be close to zero. We assign a figure of 0. Also available is a estimate for the United States: 6 years.

As the U. Thus the gap remained fairly constant at 5 or 6 years of schooling. Two factors suggest, however, that Peru is closing this years-of-schooling gap very effectively. Second, among developed countries the United States is an overachiever in terms of schooling. Looming like a dark cloud over these advances in years of schooling is the matter of quality. Quality differences do not affect comparisons of income or of life expectancy. No argument exists holding that an extra dollar of income or an extra year of life is somehow worth less in Peru than in the United States or other developed countries.

But strong evidence suggests that each extra year of school attendance in Peru produces less academic advancement than does an equivalent year in the United States. In the most recent PISA exams, which measured academic proficiency of year-olds in 64 countries, Peru finished dead last in all three areas: reading, math, and science. Only eight Latin American countries participated in the test, however, and none did very well. The best, Chile, ranked 50th.

Peru is therefore close to the middle of the Latin American pack. The quality problem in education is not just a Peruvian problem. It is a Latin American problem. This statistical review has shown health progress to have been strong, income growth erratic but promising, and educational progress strong on quantitative measures, but with the quality issue not yet effectively addressed.


The glass is at least half-full, but not fully full. He estimates that his periods of residence in Peru add up to about nine years. Peru has been one of the most remarkable economic growth stories of the last decade, both compared to its own historic record and to its peers in Latin America and beyond. Earlier improvements in basic security and political stability had provided an important pre-condition for these achievements. Underneath this very real success, however, the Peruvian economy is facing a number of significant challenges.

First, the lack of diversification and resultant dependence on global commodity markets for natural resources is exposing Peru to high levels of volatility. This has direct costs in terms of prosperity if global resource demand weakens, but it also has indirect costs in terms of long-term investment opportunities lost due to the high level of long-term macroeconomic uncertainty. Second, the impact of the solid growth in headline GDP has been highly varied across different segments of society and different parts of the country. This is a concern from the perspective of the ultimate objectives of economic policy.

It is also a threat to political stability, which could eventually undermine the achievements made on macroeconomic and natural resource policy. Third, there are no significant and compelling new growth drivers. Peru needs a new competitiveness strategy to address these challenges. The goal must be to achieve prosperity that is broadly shared, not just for the upper income and middle classes.

The strategy must provide an overall plan for upgrading, not just a wish list of policy enhancement. The core of a successful economic strategy is to define a national value proposition. This sets forth a distinctive position of Peru given its location, legacy, existing strengths, and potential strengths. The national value proposition defines what is unique about Peru as a business location, and for which type of clusters and other activities does the country offer a strong platform for competitiveness.

This national value proposition defines the role that Peru will have with its neighbors, the broader region and the global economy. And importantly, a national value proposition must set priorities and a sequencing of economic development policies and programs. The national value proposition should inspire citizens, while committing to companies at home and abroad about what they can expect from Peru.

With these goals in mind, we led an inclusive process in to develop a national value proposition for Peru as well as an accompanying economic strategy. This was to be presented to all the presidential candidates in a CADE event in Urubamba, in the Sacred Valley, before the elections. The project was financed by the private sector, and involved more than Peruvian experts in twelve thematic working groups.

Numerous public sector, business and labor leaders also participated. The team worked closely with all the presidential campaign teams to ensure their awareness and understanding of the effort. The strategy developed is just as relevant and important today as it was in Even more so. The process identified the set of dimensions on which Peru is unique in terms of inherited endowments, business environment, and culture.

In terms of endowments, Peru is centrally located in South America, with vast biodiversity and varied ecosystems, as well as abundant natural resources. Peru has a rich culture and history, a creative and entrepreneurial population that is also young and hardworking, and a legacy of domestic cooperation to overcome obstacles. Peru has made tremendous progress in the last two decades in ending a terrorist war and controlling drug trafficking, which have been crucial to unleashing economic growth.

Now, the country needs to make sure that these improvements become permanent, to avoid the problems experienced in countries such as Mexico and Colombia. These challenges will need to be tackled aggressively if Peru is to continue prosperity growth. To fight drug trafficking, a comprehensive multi-faceted effort is needed that includes market-based crop-substitution programs, control of chemical inputs for coca processing, and interdiction of drugs and money laundering.

These policies should be centralized in a strong institution that coordinates the fight against drug trafficking and terrorist activities. Local residents also need to be mobilized to be part of the eradication process. Another critical requirement for achieving this theme is absence of corruption. Corruption also makes improving all parts of the business environment much more difficult. Corruption—along with the conditions that foster corruption—not only hinders international trade and investment but stifles domestic economic activity.

Corruption is also deeply anti-social, increasing inequality and hurting the weakest the most. An effective anti-corruption campaign is thus a crucial element of an inclusive growth strategy. Peru will require a systematic campaign to reduce corruption, supported with strong rules and adequate resources. The experience of other countries suggests that a narrow anti-corruption prosecution strategy is not enough. In addition, new rules and regulations are needed to simplify dealing with government and increase transparency to reduce the incentives and opportunities for corruption.

Also, the civil service must become a meritocracy, with well-trained, appropriately compensated professionals subject to accountability. Public officials involved in regulation and other key institutions need to be appointed based on independent screening and subject to congressional consent, with strong requirements for transparency and disclosure. It now needs to deepen this policy and combine it with efforts to eliminate remaining domestic barriers to trade and investment such as tariffs, non-tariff measures and export subsidies.

Simplification of customs procedures would take further advantage of trade opportunities. In a region consumed by ideological debates about the benefits of international integration, Peru could become the springboard for South American firms seeking access to U. Peru needs to foster closer relations with its neighbors and coordinate economic development policies across borders.

To become a real trade power, Peru needs to upgrade its physical infrastructure for transportation, communications and utilities such as energy and water. Peru needs significant improvements in its transportation infrastructure to connect isolated regions and to reduce logistical costs.

Peru also needs an integrated energy policy that provides for supply security combined with environmental sustainability. Peru also needs a more forward-looking water policy, particularly because some of its extractive and agricultural activities rely on water. Peruvian society must develop a culture that places a high value on water. Water fees should cover at least the operation and maintenance of water systems and promote the efficient use and the protection of water quality. Stronger fines should be imposed on water polluters.

The success of competitiveness ultimately reveals itself in particular industry clusters concentrated in sub-national regions within a country. In Peru, development remains highly varied across different parts of the country. Lima still concentrates most of the population and economic activity. Each region of Peru needs a clear strategy in order to build its own particular economy based on local strengths. The crucial tool for diversifying the Peruvian economy and fostering regional development is through enabling the formation and development of clusters. Clusters are a geographic concentration of related companies and associated institutions in a particular field, such as the apparel and metalworking clusters in Lima.

Cluster development initiatives engage the private sector and are an effective way to prioritize delivery of social services, develop infrastructure and improve the microeconomic conditions to foment competitiveness at the local level. In addition to enabling clusters, policies are needed in each region to improve the overall business environments. Decentralization and greater local accountability are the best means to address the social and economic inequality between highland and coastal regions.

Peru should build a strong network of regional organizations to channel citizen engagement in economic development planning, thus continuing the process of decentralization. Regions need to improve managerial capacity through establishing a pool of highly qualified civil service professionals able to carry out the technical challenge of managing the resources of the region, and providing technical support for political decisions. Municipalities in Peru also need to improve tax revenue collection.

The national government should also reduce the horizontal imbalances generated by mining royalties canon minero. The mining royalty system should be re-evaluated so that the income generated by this tax can partly benefit the country as a whole, taking into account the economic development priorities of each region. Education and technical skills will be crucial supporting factors for higher productivity. They are, unfortunately, areas in which Peru has been lagging. While education alone is not sufficient to jumpstart domestic economic development, its absence has significant negative effects: companies have few incentives to upgrade worker jobs if they have no educated employees to draw on.

Unskilled employees and the companies for whom they work find it less advantageous to become part of the formal economy. Peru must thoroughly reform its educational system, increasing expenditures in public education and prioritizing the improvement of its secondary education system. Dropout rates should be reduced through educational offerings that combine regular education with technical training.

Teacher training needs to be based on performance test results, clear and rigorous standards for teaching, and a merit-based professional hiring system. Aligning workforce training programs to the needs of the private sector in each region will help to narrow the mismatch between educational programs and labor market needs. A workforce strategy based on clusters will help to match curriculums to projected private sector demand. Additionally, revamping the English curriculum with the objective of reaching proficiency by high school graduation would generate a pool of bilingual technicians and professionals needed by companies to connect with global markets.

Coverage and quality of higher education should be improved with both supply and demand-side policies. Financial aid loans and scholarships must be available to students from lower income families. Investments should be made in infrastructure facilities and equipment in line with a more demanding university curriculum. University professors should receive incentives to obtain doctoral degrees from leading universities abroad. Peru enjoys abundant natural endowments in agriculture, mining, as well as in cultural and natural assets for tourism.

Peru should launch an ambitious program to transform its natural endowment related industries into clusters. This formation of clusters would involve strengthening local supplier capability and increasing the level of collaboration among the companies and institutions together with government. At a broader level, clusters based on natural resources set the stage for diversification into related clusters. The metalworking cluster of Arequipa, for example, is a result of the dynamism of the mining cluster. These related clusters provide the best opportunity for Peru to diversify.

For instance, the logistical needs critical for mining, agriculture and tourism can give rise to a world class transportation and logistics cluster. The Peruvian healthcare system needs to be systematically reformed towards increasing coverage and providing better value.

Peru (Fall 2014)

Peru needs to improve the effectiveness of the government, reduce labor market regulations, and systematically simplify the rules and regulations for doing business. It should also develop a plan for the long-term deepening of its financial sector, and systematically strengthen its innovation infrastructure. Finally, Peru needs to continue the sound macroeconomic management that has characterized its performance during last decade with prudent fiscal and monetary programs.

Peru has come a long way towards becoming a more prosperous economy and society. It has many assets and has already made important policy improvements towards a better future. The results achieved over the past few years are a clear validation of this course. But Peru also has much more to do. Many dimensions of competitiveness remain weak and need systematic improvement. The national strategy outlined here provides an ambitious but realistic path forward. It would help define clear priorities, identify concrete action areas, and set measurable objectives.

Ultimately, change occurs only if consensus builds within a country that such change is desirable. Michael E. This article is based on an unpublished report by Michael E. Photo by Lorne Matalon. Radiant, multicolored bird feathers adorn his headband. One hand clasps a bow hewn from tropical hardwood, the other a burnished leather quiver containing red-tipped arrows dipped in snake venom. Wood framed thatched-roof homes sit on stilts.

The place is aptly named Puerto Esperanza. This is a place of esperanza —hope—in a generalized context in which most communities do not manage their forests legally. It is hard not to fall into the traps of corruption and illegality; the World Bank estimates that 80 percent of Peruvian wood exports are illegal. It also shows how a collaboration between the village and a private forestry company is reaping financial dividends for both. The company, owned by an investment fund in Denmark, was already working in a concession that bordered the village.

WWF was also working in Puerto Esperanza helping villagers craft a business plan for their timber. The two entities share an interest in profitable, sustainable forestry. Their overlapping agendas set the table for an agreement that the parties hope will be a template for neighboring communities. CFA would pay all costs to harvest the trees. As it does in its own concession, it would promote forest growth, for example by cutting the forest canopy to allow sunlight to nurture tree seedlings. In return the community would receive 20 per cent of the harvested wood to sell.

Villagers would choose which species they wanted to receive. That allowed villagers to select the timber that would produce the highest return from year to year based on prevailing market demands. The company reasoned independent transactions would forcibly move the village closer to self-sufficiency in both timber production and sales. So we plan accordingly. The community agreed to the proposal. Each family gets a share of the profit. Obtaining that endorsement is an expensive, arduous process. In addition to illegal harvesting and theft of timber, the industry is also a crucible of violence.

In , a community leader was murdered in a government office after trying to alert authorities that stolen timber was being shipped through his territory. Logging in Peru is the story of an intersection of forged documents, collusion between provincial politicians and timber interests and few options for employment.

Enforcement is an inconsistent, opaque process in which transport permits—designed to track a tree from the moment it is felled to the point of sale—are widely available. Loggers who cut timber illegally in one area can easily buy a forged document showing the timber was cut somewhere else. A poll conducted by El Comercio newspaper released February 17, suggests that more than 75 percent of Peruvians believe their police and politicians can be bought.

The man has a stack of blank permits needed to transport logs and an ink-drenched stamp at the ready. The government claims to have no knowledge of this practice. In Pucallpa people wonder openly about how an allegedly corrupt official can be hired for a high-level government posting. Pezo conceded corruption is an intractable problem and explained that his 55 inspectors are responsible for patrolling 14 million acres of rain forest.

With outside help, villagers in Puerto Esperanza are trying to commercialize lesser known species such as huangana casha used in flooring and chamisa amarilla used for furniture. The challenge is convincing buyers in the United States, Europe and Asia that those species and several others are desirable. Both huangana casha and chamisa amarilla are blessed with some of the same qualities of durability and aesthetics that threatened species such as mahogany are famous for. At the same time, the United States has formally asked Peru to prosecute political and business leaders who violate a free trade agreement with the United States.

That deal called for enforcement of existing laws against illegal logging. But enforcement is an abstract in many parts of the Amazon Basin. The legal framework to stop the theft of trees exists. In , the United States amended the Lacey Act, passed in to ban traffic in wildlife and plants to include the import of illegally harvested timber. Peru passed a forestry law in designed to clamp down on illegal logging.

But the law is mired in negotiations as the country decides how it should be implemented. Residents of Puerto Esperanza believe they stand as a positive example of change in an otherwise bleak landscape, one marked by flaunted laws and a nexus between politicians and timber interests. But as people in Puerto Esperanza say repeatedly, timber alone is renewable. Lorne Matalon is a staff correspondent with the Fronteras Desk, a collaboration of National Public Radio member stations reporting on the politics, demographics and economy along the U. Previously characterized by high inflation, recurrent balance of payments problems, endemic un- and under-employment, poverty and inequality problems, Peru has transitioned into an Asian-style economic success.

At the same time, poverty dropped from 54 percent in to 24 percent in All this has taken place under an increasingly vigorous democracy. What is the explanation? And what are the prospects of continuation along the same lines in the future? When there is as major a break in the growth performance of an economy as Peru has had, it is worth looking beyond the conventional elements of economic policy to identify the underlying factors that produced such a major change. Five such elements can be identified for Peru.

First: a firm export orientation was adopted. For the first time since the s, Peru has seriously implemented an export-oriented growth strategy. But opportunity is not enough; in order to benefit, you have to have the right policy. Peru has been talking export growth and actually implementing the talk. Between and the present, Peru has signed 21 free trade agreements.

In addition to dismantling trade barriers to its exports, Peru has maintained an almost constant real exchange rate by accumulating exchange reserves rather than letting the rate appreciate. Export profitability was thereby protected. Second: Predictability in the economy was dramatically improved. Peruvian entrepreneurs have traditionally had to cope with an unstable policy environment which rewarded maintaining flexibility and spending effort on trying to anticipate economic policy changes.

President Alejandro Toledo inaugurated a significant shift in this respect: macro policy became remarkably predictable. As a result, businesspeople spent more time managing their businesses and less trying to anticipate policy changes or lobbying the economics ministry. The reorientation of entrepreneurial effort had a predictable result: productivity went up!

It also made it more sensible to invest in the time-consuming effort of developing export markets. Third: economic horizons lengthened as a result of stable macro policy and lack of policy surprises. This was reinforced by the introduction of an active domestic government bond market complete with brokers obligated to make and maintain a market in these bonds. By , Peru was issuing year bonds, and by , year bonds. The longer horizons reduced the annual profit required to make a venture profitable. When the desired payback period is one year, one needs to earn percent on capital, at two years it falls roughly to 50 percent, at five years to 20 percent and at ten years, you need to recover 10 percent per year holding aside compounding.

It follows that a longer horizon is equivalent to a cost reduction. Put another way, a longer horizon is equivalent to a real devaluation. In turn, a real devaluation makes exports more competitive. Esto significa que lo que se ve en escena es un tejido complejo. Emotivo, conmovedor y salvajemente sincero. The performance was held on the occasion of the acceptance of the Princess of Asturias Award for the Arts , with which the South African artist was awarded. Alberto Ammann plays Pacho Herrera, one of the main characters of the new season, which translates the plot to the Cali Cartel after the death of Pablo Escobar.

Hollywood Reporter: www. On stage at the Maria Guerrero Theatre until the 29th of July. The awards ceremony will be held on 22 July in Madrid. The critics applaud her work in the play. They were selected from young actors who competed in our Caras Nuevas program. The first season of the series will air on April 28th. From Tuesday to Sunday until December 30th. Principal photography has started in Rome.

The film is a documentary covering the work and life of director Bigas Luna, who died in La joven interpreta a Elena, la hija de Antonio y Marta. Clara entrega sus paseos por el escenario con la ligereza de la verdad camuflada, con el peso de la realidad desnuda. Y ella se desnuda y narra. Gracias, gracias. Click to enlarge. Every Satusday of May at at Nave Following its premiere in Asturias, tomorrow arrives to the Teatro Principal of Vitoria. Maggie Civantos, awarded at the Malaga Film Festival.

The lifetime achievement award recognizes Emilio Gutierrez Caba as one of the indispensable actors of the Spanish Cinema. It gathered more than 4 million viewers, and a From Tuesday to Sunday untill May 22nd. Every Friday of April at Neve Until April 24 at the Tantaratana Theater. The awards will be held next March 14th at the Teatro Circo Price. The film will open on Spanish cinemas next April 8th. The first episode airs next February 1st. Da un gusto enorme verles en escena. Y en estas condiciones es un verdadero lujo.

These are given to people who have excelled in the field of creation, and in the development and dissemination of art and conservation the national artistic heritage. It is a comedy based on politics, about the story of 'Bolita', a nobody, clumsy, slow, goofy From Wednesday to Sunday, until December 6. The play opens the 30th of October at the Marquina Theatre. From Thursday to Sunday from 29 October to 22 November.

Every episode of the series will investigate a crime that made headlines or could have of the newspaper that marked an era. The awards will be held at the Teatre Principal de Barcelona on November 23rd. Thursdays at , at the Alfil Theater www. Thursdays at , at the Alfil Theater. Wednesdays, Saturdays and Sundays, until the 5th of September. Ignacio Mateos is also part of the cast. The film is now showing in Spanish cinemas. The cast includes Alba Flores in a featured role.

Until July 17th. Fridays of June at nave Celma Alba stars in "Fortune Cookie". The film tells the story of the man behind the famous international chain of discotheques, which opened it's first club in Sitges in Angie Cepeda is also nominated in the same category for her outstanding performance in "El Elefante desaparecido ". Thereafter from Monday to Friday at The film opens on Spanish cinemas the 21st of May. The last episode will be shown at The film opens in Spanish cinemas on May 8th.

It opens in Spain on March The film, base on a true story, will be shot in London in April. Wednesdays of March at The play that inaugurated this off theater will also be the last to play there. The theater closes its doors for the last time in May. Ammann is finishing production on the first season of a series for Netflix. He then returns to Madrid to star in the new Antena 3 TV series Apaches, based on the novel by Miguel Saiz Barral, before resuming filming of the second season of the American series. On Tuesdays at until the 10th of February.

Leer entrevista:. Siempre es muy emocionante verle encima de un scenario porque la passion que pone en su trabajo es insuperable. The play opens tonight at at the Teatro del Arte. From Friday to Sunday at the Teatro Lara. The series airs every Wednesday night on Telecinco at COM: " Nevertheless, while Fernando Cayo is on stage he steals the focus and energy: Cayo is memorable in his transformation from man to rhinoceros The play will run until the 8th of February, with performances from Tuesday to Sunday.

Info: cdn. The applause could be heard miles away. The play, directed by Jota Linares opens at Nave 73 on November 7th. The play can be seen from Thursday to Sunday until the 2nd of November at and on Sundays. She appears on their November cover. The premier was on October 7th at the Cine Callao with the cast and crew in attendance. The film is about a group of friends who share the dream of a vacation in the Caribbean. It is directed by Helena Pimienta and it will be running until December 14th. It will have a limited run until October 19th. Melodia FM: www.

ABC: hoycinema. ABC: www. From the 5th of September until the 26th of October at the Teatro Lara. Maricel Alvarez stars in Las Insoladas September 02, -. The company will then take the plan on a Spanish and international tour. The first century thriller stars Joshep Feinnes and shoots on location in Malta and Almeria. Alberto Ammann in "Betibu" August 18, -. The play is directed by Helena Pimienta. El Mundo: www. The play will be back at the Matadero de Madrid until the 8th of June.

Principal photography starts today.